A Memoir Of The Exploits Of Captain Alexander Fraser

A MEMOIR OF THE EXPLOITS OF CAPTIAIN ALEXANDER

FRASER AND HIS COMPANY OF BRITISH MARKSMEN

1776 – 1777

By Stephen G. Strach

This electronic version has been transcribed from the Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research Volume sixty-three-1985

HTML transcription by: Steven Ladon Sandford for the Recreated "Captain Alexander Fraser's Company of Select Marksmen."

Part 1

One of the most interesting and colourful individuals associated with the British Campaigns in Canada and Northern New York Province during 1776 and 1777 is Captain Alexander Fraser. His activity as a proven leader of partisan troops has largely gone unnoticed and deserves some attention by students of the 18^th Century British Army.

Of the early life of Alexander Fraser we know little. When and where he was born is uncertain. He was a native of Scotland and is said to have been a nephew of Brigadier–General Simon Fraser, who was killed at Bemis Heights (Second Battle of Saratoga), October 7th, 1777. ¹ As such, he may have been related to the Frasers of Balmain as was his uncle Simon Fraser. ²

Alexander had his first taste of military service at an early age, joining Fraser's Highlanders, 78th Regiment (Second Highland Battalion of Foot) as did his uncle, Simon Fraser.³ With this unit, Alexander undoubtedly served in some of the major actions in Canada during the British Campaigns (1757 - 1763). During this period of his life he may have had his first glimpse of various areas in and around Lake Champlain, which would years later serve as a familiar theatre of operations. In 1763, with the end of the Seven Years War, the 78th Regiment was disbanded. Instead of returning to Scotland, Alexander apparently chose to stay in North America as a lieutenant on half pay.⁴ Lieutenant Fraser seems to have made quite an impression upon Governor James Murray of Canada. During the summer of 1764 Murray proposed to give Fraser direction of all Indian affairs in Canada; however his proposal was not approved.⁵ Through the winter of 1764 - 1765, General Thomas Gage, Commander-In-Chief of the British Forces in North America (1763-1775), formulated plans to send troops down the Ohio River from Fort Pitt ⁶ to relieve Fort de Chartres ⁷ of its French garrison. To pave the way for British troops, two special envoys were to be sent in advance on a diplomatic mission to the Indian tribes inhabiting the newly acquired Illinois Country. For this delicate and dangerous mission, two highly qualified men were selected. The first, George Croghan was a Deputy Indian Agent serving under Sir William Johnson.⁸ He was well-known to the western Indians, having formerly been a fur trader amongst them. His job would be to go among the Indians loyal to the French and assure them of the peaceful attitude of the English and to guarantee continued trade and presents.⁹ The second man chosen was Lieutenant Alexander Fraser, who was to carry letters from General Gage to the French commandant Fort de Chartres and a proclamation for the inhabitants.¹⁰ Lieutenant Fraser's special qualification was that he spoke fluent French and as a young officer of education and intelligence complemented the rough character of Croghan.¹¹

On January 24th 1765, Fraser and Croghan set out from Carlisle, Pennsylvania, later followed by a large convoy of presents for the Indians. During the journey, the convoy was attacked by a band of Pennsylvania borderers known as the "Black Boys" and a large part of the goods were destroyed.¹² This action caused a delay at Fort Pitt where Croghan attempted to replenish the lost stores and await the opening of Spring when the trails leading West would be more passable. Coupled with this and a threatened Indian uprising among the Shawnee and Delaware Tribes, a delay of more than two months ensued.

Lieutenant Fraser soon became impatient, feeling honour bound by General Gage's instructions to be at the Illinois Country in early April and as a result departed on March 22nd without Croghan.¹³ He was accompanied by Francis Maisonville¹⁴ as guide, three Indians, and six soldiers from Fort Pitt as boatmen.¹⁵

Fraser and his party reached Fort de Chartres on April 17th to the astonishment of the French commandant. Here Fraser found some Indians inclined towards peace with the British, but the majority having been alienated by French traders and encouraged by presents, would not listen to the Lieutenant's peace overtures on behalf of the British Government.¹⁶ Fraser and his party were soon imprisoned several times by different groups of Indians bearing anti-British feelings, but were released just as quickly. The great Ottawa Indian Chief Pontiac finally intervened on Lieutenant Fraser's behalf, befriending him in turn.¹⁷ For a short time some progress was made with the mission, but with the arrival of a convoy of French gifts at Kaskaskia¹⁸ all peace negotiations broke down. Lieutenant Fraser and his party were immediately seized and beaten, but once again were released. On May 19th Fraser sent his men secretly down the Mississippi River to New Orleans near which elements of the British 34th Regiment of Foot were stationed. After spending another ten days conferring with Pontiac, with his life in constant danger, the Lieutenant decided to make his own way to New Orleans on May 29th. He arrived there safely on June 19th from which place he made his way back to Fort Pitt.¹⁹

From Fort Pitt Fraser accompanied Croghan in the latter part of July on another trip into Illinois country under the protection of Pontiac. This expedition returned to the Fort in August. ²⁰ At some point between August, 1765 and October, 1766, Lieutenant Fraser returned to New York where General Gage awarded him a present of 600 pounds plus expenses incurred while on service in the Illinois Country. ²¹ On October 25th 1766, General Gage recommended Lieutenant Alexander Fraser for a vacant Lieutenancy in the 9th Regiment of Foot in a letter directed to Lord Barrington, the British Secretary at War, noting his services in the Illinois country. ²² The recommendation was fully endorsed by Barrington and Lieutenant Fraser's commission in the 9th Regiment of Foot was dated October 25th, 1766.

The 9th Regiment of Foot was then stationed in British held East Florida. Lieutenant Fraser joined his new regiment there probably during the spring of 1767. Little is known regarding Fraser's activities in this southern colony. According to one source, he was stationed at Pensacola in British West Florida in April, 1768, at New Orleans in June and at Fort Bute²³ during July and August.²⁴ The 9th Regiment continued on assignment in the Floridas until 1769 when the unit was ordered to Ireland where it was stationed until 1776.²⁵ It may be assumed that Lieutenant Fraser accompanied his regiment to Ireland, but there is no record of his movements between 1769 and 1776.

When the American Rebellion broke out in 1775, the 9th Regiment of Foot was placed on an alert status. In April, 1776, it embarked from Ireland and sailed for Canada with other forces under Major-General John Burgoyne.²⁶ The Regiment arrived on the St. Lawrence River in the beginning of June and landed near Montreal where it took part in the operations by which the invading American Rebels were driven from Canada. It is during these initial British counter-measures in Canada that we catch our next glimpse of Lieutenant Alexander Fraser. We find him once again, despite his regimental affiliation, being utilized in positions of independent command to which he seems to have been well suited. On May 13th, 1776 Major-General Guy Carleton, Commander-In-Chief of the British Forces in Canada, promoted Fraser to Captain-Lieutenant in the 9th Regiment of Foot and issued an order directing him to report to General Burgoyne from whom he was to receive commands relative to the assembling of the Indians that were acting in conjunction with the British Forces in Canada. ²⁷ From this point forward Captain-Lieutenant Fraser was ordered out on a reconnoitering expedition south from St. John's. ²⁸ His party consisted of thirty Indians, some Canadians, and one sergeant, one corporal, and twelve volunteers from the Light Infantry.²⁹ Lieutenant Thomas Scott of the 24th Regiment of Foot was second-in-command.³⁰ During the evening of July 25th about 20 miles out, Fraser's party, while paddling down Lake Champlain received information that a party of Americans were near them, upon which Fraser gave immediate orders to make for them. The Indians were first to make contact, but after one of their number was killed, they retreated. The Canadians in a single canoe kept their distance while Captain-Lieutenant Fraser and Lieutenant Scott exerted themselves to come up with the American boats. Fraser finally got so near them that he ordered a volley of musket fire which enabled him to overtake the fleeing boats. The Americans surrendered, but just as they did so, the Canadians came up and needlessly fired into them. With difficulty, Captain-Lieutenant Fraser managed to keep the Indians from killing and scalping the prisoners, but somehow all was brought under control. On July 26th, Fraser returned to St. John's with his party, bringing in a total of 34 prisoners. His party had suffered in the above skirmish three wounded (two Canadians and one volunteer) plus one Indian killed. The very next day Brigadier-General Simon Fraser,³¹ who commanded the British Advanced Corps to which Captain-Lieutenant Fraser was attached, issued Brigade Orders noting the spirit and success of Fraser and Scott.³²

Fraser had hardly returned to camp before he was assigned another task. A party of Americans under a flag of truce arrived before the British camp carrying letters from the Continental Congress and General George Washington to Generals Carleton and Burgoyne. They were detained until August 8th when Captain-Lieutenant Fraser and a party were given the duty of escorting the Americans safely back to their own outposts. Fraser left them within 20 miles of Crown Point,³³ returning to camp on August 11th.³⁴

In addition to such field duties as described above, we find Captain-Lieutenant Fraser being appointed to serve as Judge Advocate at a General Military Court Martial held on August 26th, 1776. Three days later Alexander Fraser exchanged into the 20th which was also in Canada. ³⁵ This exchange came on the eve of the formation of a special unit, which was to play an important role in the Campaigns of 1776 - 1777, and which was to become synonymous with Fraser's name.

On August 30th, 1776, Brigadier-General Fraser issued his "Memorandum relative to a Company of Marksmen," which he sent to Major-General Carleton. It read as follows:

As the above "Memorandum" implies, the Company's primary function would be to counteract the hit and run tactics of the American forces, to perform raids, reconnoitre in advance and on the flanks of the army, and to work in company with the Indians and Canadians. The formation of the "Company of Marksmen" under the leadership of Captain-Lieutenant Alexander Fraser was promptly approved by Major-General Carleton. His General Order of September 6th, 1776 reads:

Captain-Lieutenant Fraser seems to have spent the next four days, September 7th - 10th, organizing his new unit in the vicinity of St. John's.³⁸ In a letter sent from St. John's on September 7th, Major-General William Phillips of the Royal Artillery writes to Brigadier-General Fraser:

Having nearly completed the organization of his unit, Captain-Lieutenant Fraser left St. John's about September 10th with a detachment of his Marksmen and a group of one hundred and fifty Indians.⁴⁰ Lieutenant James Wright⁴¹ left St. John's on the 12th with another detachment of the marksmen and joined Fraser at the River La Colle⁴² where they established a forward observation post from which scouts were sent to gain intelligence of American movements on Lake Champlain. These scouting expeditions continued without serious incident during the remainder of the Campaign of 1776. After the American naval defeat at Valcour Island⁴³ on October 11th, the British Army under Major-General Carleton advanced without interruption to Crown Point. From here it was only about 10 miles by land to Fort Ticonderoga, which was the principal American fortified position on Lake Champlain. Unsure of the strength of the American position and force at Ticonderoga, numerous scouts were ordered out to gain intelligence. On or about October 22nd, Captain-Lieutenant Fraser captured 150 oxen in front of the American lines without a shot being fired and drove them back to Crown Point. ⁴⁴Feeling that the season was now too well advanced for continued active campaigning, Carleton turned his attention in early November to the problem of where to quarter his army for the oncoming winter. Fearful that his army might be too extended, he pulled back the bulk of his force to Canada, abandoning all previously captured territory south of the Isle aux Noix.⁴⁵

Captain-Lieutenant Fraser's Company of Marksmen was broken up for the winter. The subalterns and men most likely returned to their parent regiments for the season. On November 11th, 1776, Alexander Fraser once again changed his regimental affiliation and became a full Captain in the 34th regiment which was stationed in Canada.⁴⁶ Captain Fraser spent the winter in and near Montreal performing new duties as acting Superintendent of Indians in Canada.⁴⁷

Many significant events occurred during the winter of 1776-1777. Most important of these was the appointment of Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne by King George III to the independent command of a detachment from the British Forces then in Canada. Burgoyne with this independent army was to leave Canada and move south in an attempt to form a line of unbroken communication stretching from Canada to New York City. It was hoped that by holding this line, through the establishment of various posts, that control of the strategic waterways (Lake Champlain and the Hudson River) would be maintained and by so doing split the American Colonies into two conquerable segments. Burgoyne's force was to, at some unstipulated juncture, meet with the forces under General Sir William Howe, British Commander-in-Chief in North America, based in New York City. The events of the Campaign of 1777 and the subsequent outcome deserve more notice than this article can permit and is best told in other published works, which interested readers should consult.⁴⁸

Burgoyne spent the winter of 1776-1777 in England, arriving back at Quebec on May 8th, 1777. He immediately began to organize his appointed force. Actual movement from winter quarters for most regiments, however, did not begin until late in May and in early June. Our next glimpse of Captain Alexander Fraser occurs during this period of campaign preparations, where we still find him stationed near Montreal serving in the capacity of acting Superintendent of Indians in Canada. From the pen of Lieutenant Thomas Anburey of the 24th Regiment of Foot is the following colourful narrative:

After the departure of the above Indians, Captain Fraser told his guests a story concerning the Indians. Lieutenant Anburey gives a complete text of Fraser's story in his published account of his experiences in North America.⁵² Because of its length and nature it is not reprinted here. At the conclusion of Captain Fraser's story, the same group of Indians that had earlier disrupted the dinner, returned. Lieutenant Anburey continues:

On June 3rd 1777, Burgoyne's army began to move from winter quarters and shortly after began moving south on Lake Champlain. At some date just prior to the 3rd, Captain Fraser's Company of Marksmen were reassembled and once again assigned to the British Advance Corps led by Brigadier-General Simon Fraser.

Captain Fraser's scouts usually preceded the advance of the British Forces, his unit being in essence the "eyes" of the army. By June 12th the British had advanced to within 22 miles of Crown Point and established a fortified camp at the mouth of the River Bouquet. ⁵⁴ The Advanced Corps under Brigadier-General Fraser established a position 2 miles up the river at Gillilands Farm which was located on a strategic road leading from Canada to Crown Point. On June 17th Captain Fraser, Lieutenants Houghton⁵⁵ and Wright arrived at Gillilands Farm leading about two hundred and thirty Indians - Caughnawaga, St. Francis, etc.⁵⁶ After several days of rest, Captain Fraser left camp during the night of June 22nd with between three and four hundred Indians, two companies of Canadians and one subaltern plus twenty men of the Light Infantry. This detachment conducted a scout up Otter Creek⁵⁷ moving on to Skenesborough⁵⁸ and returning north by way of Ticonderoga, near which they camped the night of the 27th,⁵⁹ having made camp at Chimney Point on the 28th. He brought in 9 prisoners and reported having disarmed all of the inhabitants of the country that his scout traversed.⁶⁰

By July 1st the Advanced Corps under Brigadier-General Fraser had moved to within sight of the American positions at Fort Ticonderoga and Mount Independence. Some light skirmishing occurred as the British approached the American lines. Captain Fraser and his Marksmen were undoubtedly in the forefront of these movements. A detachment of about five hundred and sixty men of the Advanced Corps led by Brigadier-General Fraser managed to clear and take post on a rising ground near Ticonderoga known as Mount Hope by noon of July 2nd. An American force had been stationed there and retreated as the British approached. In an effort to cut off their retreat, Captain Fraser and his Marksmen, some Indians and Jessup's Rangers ⁶¹ were sent out. Fraser nearly overtook the retreating Americans, but his Indians, who were inebriated, fired too soon without causing any loss to the fugitives. By the time Captain Fraser actually managed to restore order, the fleeing soldiers were under the protection of their own lines. In coming too close a general fire was brought to bear upon Fraser's party. Several Indians were killed and wounded, and in attempting to extricate the Indians the Marksmen also suffered some casualties.⁶²

On July 6th the American forces abandoned Fort Ticonderoga and Mount Independence and retreated south. This move was occasioned by the completion of a British battery on a commanding height formerly thought to have been inaccessible. Brigadier-General Fraser and the Advanced Corps were at the time closest to the abandoned American lines. When the retreat was discovered Fraser ordered a large detachment of his Advanced Corps out in pursuit. The General caught up with the American rearguard at Hubbardton, Vermont, on July 7th and a battle took place. Captain Fraser and his Marksmen were not part of the British Force that followed the Brigadier-General between July 6th through the 9th. It might then be assumed that Captain Fraser and his Company led the advance on the main British Army upon Skenesbrorough between July 6th through 10th. Burgoyne concentrated his force around Skenesborough and did not move south again until July 23rd.

By July 24th, Brigadier-General Fraser and the Advanced Corps reached Fort Anne.⁶³ Captain Fraser and his Marksmen were about 2 miles beyond scouting the road to Fort Edward.⁶⁴ From a marching order dated July 27th, we find that the Canadians, Indians, and Captain Fraser's Marksmen were to lead the advance of the army under the command of Major John Campbell, who was Superintendent of Burgoyne's Indians.⁶⁵ This arrangement was not strictly adhered to as Captain Fraser seems to have generally had an independent command.

Burgoyne's next objective was to take Fort Edward which guarded an important point on the Hudson River.⁶⁶ This he accomplished with ease as the American garrison abandoned the weak fortress at the British approach. On July 30th, the British Advance Corps moved and took post on the heights a little beyond and south of the fort. Almost simultaneously a scouting party consisting of a few Marksmen, Canadians and Indians under the command of Lieutenant Wright was sent out to reconnoitre the whole front and flanks of the British position. Lieutenant Wright returned to camp during the evening of the same day without having seen any trace of retreating Americans. Shortly after Wright's return, a party of Indians went out to scout. About 4 A.M. July 31st, a heavy firing of musketry was heard at a short distance beyond the Advance Corps' position. In response, a large body of Indians, volunteers, and Captain Fraser's Marksmen were immediately sent out towards the sound of the firing in order to support the Indians. Approaching the area of conflict, the relief detachment led by Captain Fraser discovered that the firing was occasioned by the Indian scouting party falling in with a strong body of the Americans, who were upon the opposite (west) side of the Hudson River covering the American withdrawal from the vicinity of Fort Miller.⁶⁷ After a brief skirmish, some Indians and volunteers managed to land on the opposite shore and beat the American party back to their main body upon which the Indians and volunteers were in turn forced to retreat.⁶⁸

All remained quiet for several days. During the early morning of August 3rd, a party of Indians once again went out on a scout from Fort Edward. Captain Fraser and the Marksmen followed, leaving camp at 2 p.m. About 3 p.m. an Indian returned to the Advance Corps at Fort Edward and falsely reported that Captain Fraser had met a body of American troops and had been defeated and was being pursued by them. The entire Advance Corps immediately prepared to advance and give battle. Several parties were sent out to establish Captain Fraser's situation and upon contact discovered that no problem existed.⁶⁹ Fraser had attacked an American guard of some two hundred and fifty men but they had retreated after their commanding officer was killed. On August 4th, he returned to camp at Fort Edward bringing in seven prisoners for interrogation.⁷⁰

Captain Fraser and the Marksmen left camp at Fort Edward on August 8th and moved to the vicinity of Fort Miller.⁷¹ This movement preceded the general British advance ordered on August 9th. Fraser and his men secured the area and Burgoyne established his new camp around Duer's House located on the east bank of the Hudson River just opposite the site of old Fort Miller. Burgoyne remained here through August 12th, moving on to the mouth of the Battenkill on the 13th. This was a critical juncture in the British campaign. Burgoyne's effective fighting force was fast dwindling. With every forward movement, posts had to be established and manned to secure his communication with Canada. The logistical services supplying this extended force were breaking down at a rapid pace. There were not enough wagons, draught animals, boats etc. to move and provision an army adequately over terrain as Burgoyne had encountered. Because of this growing logistical problem, Burgoyne devised a scheme to secure badly needed supplies from an American depot rumoured to be established at Manchester, Vermont, which was some 35 miles to the north-east of his position. A raid was planned. For this expedition he chose Lieutenant-Colonel Baum of the Brunswick Dragoon Regiment von Riedesel, some German Grenadiers, Jaegers, and Artillerymen, and a party of American Provincials, Canadians and Indians. In addition, Captain Fraser and his Marksmen were also assigned to accompany Baum. Fraser's men were the only British soldiers sent on this raid. In the words of Burgoyne, while later speaking of the force sent towards Manchester:

Burgoyne felt that Captain Fraser's unit were complete masters of such business as exploring, scouting, and fighting in wooded terrain. For this reason, he had the Marksmen accompany the slow moving German column.⁷³

There is some question concerning the strength of Captain Fraser's unit on the eve of the events that led to the Battle of Bennington. Several contemporary British accounts state that fifty Marksmen marched with Baum, but this figure is probably exclusive of officers.⁷⁴

Let it suffice to say that Baum's force marched on August 13th from the British camp established at Battenkill. Last-minute intelligence received, however, changed Baum's objective from Manchester to Bennington, Vermont, which was almost the same distance as Manchester, but to the southeast of Burgoyne's position. The march was slow. Light skirmishing with roving American detachments concentrating in the area of Bennington gave Baum reason to be cautious. On August 14-15th he decided to halt and dig-in while a message was sent back to Burgoyne requesting reinforcements. This halt allowed American General John Stark time to concentrate almost two thousand militiamen, who by coincidence were also in the Bennington area. On August 16th, Stark attacked Baum's weak position and defeated the badly scattered posts in detail. His force outnumbered Baum's by two to one. Captain Fraser's Marksmen had been divided between two positions, both of which were overrun by the Americans. Some of them were killed or wounded while the majority were taken prisoner. In this desperate situation, Captain Fraser must have given the order for every man to escape as best he could. A small number of men did actually manage to make their way back to Burgoyne's main army. Late on the night of August 16th -17th, five Marksmen arrived at the Battenkill camp, followed on the 18th by Captain Fraser and two privates.⁷⁵ If any others made it back, the existing records do not say. Of the Marksmen officers, it is recorded that Lieutenant Wright was killed, that Ensigns Johnson and Sallans,⁷⁶ and Cornet Grant⁷⁷ were wounded and captured. ⁷⁸ Other officers may have been among the captured thirty-seven British soldiers taken at Bennington. The exact number of Markmsen killed is unknown. In short, the Marksmen had been almost totally wiped-out.

The Bennington disaster greatly diminished Burgoyne's effective fighting force. Despite this check, he decided to continue his advance down the Hudson River. The British were now abandoned by their remaining Indian allies, which greatly reduced the type of light force that Burgoyne needed for reconnaissance and for the protection of his slow-moving columns. Captain Fraser's Marksmen had been formed to carry on such duties and supplement the Indian force. Thus, with the Indians' departure and the decimation of Fraser's unit on August 16th, Burgoyne suddenly found himself without any effective means of guiding or screening his remaining force. To counter this problem, a temporary organization of Marksmen was established on August 23rd. The new unit was to be composed of two men per company taken from the Grenadier and Light Infantry Battalion and 24th Regiment of Foot. This would have given the new organization a total of fifty-six men plus officers. Officers appointed to lead the Company were Captain Petre,⁷⁹ Lieutenant Coane,⁸⁰ and Lieutenant French.⁸¹ According to orders, the men were never to be detached from their respective corps or separated from their companies except when ordered as the need would occur.⁸² This temporary organization was, however, never made use of upon any occasion.⁸³ As the need for a unit such as Fraser had commanded was almost constant, the above organization was probably proved to be too awkward to be of any practical use to the army.

Captain Fraser was soon back in action with the remnant of his Marksmen. On September 1st the British Army was still encamped at Battenkill⁸⁴ when an American scouting party of thirty men came within 2 miles of the British position. Upon receiving intelligence of this, a detachment of one hundred and three officers and men of the British Light Infantry under the command of Captain Fraser and Captain Thomas Scott⁸⁵ were sent in pursuit of the Americans, but they were not able to overtake them.⁸⁶ Roving American detachments such as this one began to prove most bothersome without the former screen of Indians and Marksmen which had been available prior to the Bennington disaster. A solution had to be devised, and Burgoyne chose the only logical option open to him. The Company of Marksmen was to be augmented and reformed under the leadership of Captain Fraser. ⁸⁷ By Burgoyne's General Order of September 2nd, 1777 issued at headquarters near Fort Miller (Duer's House):

Following Burgoyne's Order was one that was issued by Brigadier-General Hamilton the same day:

By the above order it would appear that a great number of the men and non-commissioned officers that had belonged to the original Company of Marksmen formed during the Campaign of 1776 had not rejoined the new Company reformed in May-June of 1777. The statement that only two seargeants, one corporal, and twenty-four privates were needed in addition supports this. The men and non-commissioned officers were drawn from the Battalion Companies only but, as in the former two Companies of Marksmen, this seems not to have been strictly adhered to. The small evidence that exists concerning the internal organization of the Marksmen suggests that men were also drafted or volunteered from the Grenadier and Light Infantry Companies. With the arrival of Battalion recruits from Canada on September 3rd, the matter of organizing a new Company of Marksmen was simplified. The drain on Burgoyne's British Line Regiments was already strained and vacancies in the ranks were being temporarily filled with recruits from Provincial Regiments. The formation of the new Company of Marksmen caused a further but necessary drain on the under-strength British Regiments. Further, the new Company of Marksmen seems not to have ever reached its prescribed complement of men and officers. By mid-September, the Company only numbered about fifty to seventy officers and men instead of the one hundred or more that had been planned. During the remainder of the Campaign of 1777 the Company never achieved a strength beyond that reached at this time.

In General Orders of September 10th, Lieutenant Andrew Skene⁹² was appointed to act with Captain Fraser's Marksmen.

On September 13th, the entire British Army crossed the Hudson River at Saratoga and encamped. The following day an American detachment of one hundred and fifty to two hundred men appeared before the British position. In response, a detachment of thirty-one officers and men of the Light Infantry plus some Indians and Provincials joined the Marksmen in an attempt to pursue and intercept the Americans. Captain Fraser commanded the pursuit party which numbered about one hundred men of all ranks. The Americans were unsuccessfully chased some 5 or 6 miles before Fraser decided to return to camp which he reached that evening. A sizeable detachment of the British Advance Corps had also marched out of Saratoga earlier to support Captain Fraser, but also returned.⁹³ Alarms of this nature grew in frequency as the British began to move south toward the American position at Bemis Heights. One British soldier records on September 17th that there was in the army at this time about fifty Marksmen under Captain Fraser.⁹⁴

As the British marched south, Captain Fraser was charged with protecting the right flank of the army. This was a difficult and important task. Burgoyne's force was strung out for several miles along the flats of the Hudson River which only extended about a half-mile inland at its widest point. The flats were commanded by an unbroken line of hills intersected by deep ravines. If the British were caught on these flats with their backs against the River, a massacre might result. Captain Fraser's job was to prevent the possibility of such an incident occurring. His Marksmen were thus forced to march over this rough terrain, while the rest of the army enjoyed a rather leisurely march.

On the morning of September 19th, the entire British Army marched out of the camp near Sword's House⁹⁵ in three columns prepared to give battle. The American Army under General Horatio Gates was in position about 4 to 5 miles south of the British, prepared to defend their unfinished fortified line on Bemis Heights. Burgoyne felt that he had no other option but to advance, as his avenue south was effectively blocked, and give battle in an attempt to open the road to Albany. Captain Fraser's Marksmen were assigned to advance with the column on the British right, which was composed of the Indians, Canadians, Provincial Volunteers, and the entire British Advanced Corps (Grenadier and Light Infantry Battalion ⁹⁶ plus the 24th Regiment of Foot) all under the command of Brigadier-General Simon Fraser.

As the three columns advanced, the Indians, Canadians, Provincials, and Marksmen fanned out upon the front and flanks of the centre (Burgoyne's) and right (Fraser's) columns. Between 12 and 1 o'clock all three columns formed in line of battle. At the sound of the signal guns they continued to advance. The scouts and piquets on the flanks and front of the British Line were soon fired upon by small American parties. Around 1 and 2 o'clock heavy skirmishing developed in front of Brigadier-General Fraser's and Lieutenant-General Burgoyne's columns. Captain Fraser's Marksmen, the Canadians, Provincials, and two companies of Light Infantry were immediately sent out to support whatever party might be engaged. This was found to be the advance piquets of the Line, who were being pushed back by the Americans they had come into contact with. The piquets fell back under the protection afforded by Captain Fraser and his party, but the Americans continued to push forward until the remainder of the British Light Infantry Battalion and German Jaegers arrived, causing the Americans to give ground and turn. ⁹⁷

After these opening movements the British columns came into line prepared to receive the enemy. An American force led by General Benedict Arnold attacked the British centre led by Burgoyne. This engagement developed into the Battle of Freeman's Farm (First Saratoga) named for the farm and clearing on which the principal fighting occurred. After a number of American attacks, the situation became critical for the British. They were fought to a standstill, just barely managing to hold their ground. Only the arrival of darkness and a timely German relief detachment led by Major-General Riedesel saved the British centre from being totally mauled and overrun. While the centre column was thus engaged, the British right under Brigadier-General Fraser took position on a commanding ground from which the General observed the course of the battle. He occasionally fed reinforcements to the weakening British centre and warded off sporadic American attempts to turn the right flank.

With the end of the initial skirmishing of the early afternoon, Captain Fraser and the Marksmen rejoined the Advanced Corps deploying into line-of-battle with it. So posted, the Marksmen were part of the force given the important responsibility of detecting any surprise American movement developing against the British right flank. We do know that the Marksmen suffered a high proportion of casualties through the course of this day's fighting. Almost forty per cent of the unit was either killed or wounded. ⁹⁸

From September 20th to October 6th, the British and Americans were content to hold their ground. Only occasional skirmishing occurred. American General Horatio Gates was content to sit behind his defences and let his army gain strength as reinforcements were hourly pouring into camp. Gates had accomplished his primary task of bringing Burgoyne to a halt. Burgoyne, on the other hand, realizing that he had been beaten to a standstill and that he probably did not have the strength needed to pierce the American line, had to content himself by waiting for an expected diversion in Gates' rear by a British force coming up the Hudson river from New York City. Burgoyne hoped that with the threat of a British force in his rear, Gates would detach a portion of his army from the position at Bemis Heights to meet this problem. By so doing, Burgoyne hoped that the American position would be sufficiently weakened to allow his existing force to fight its way trough to Albany. No other prospect was open to Burgoyne other than a retreat north. Honour prevailed, however, and he chose not to take this more realistic course of action.

While this period of general inaction passed, Captain Fraser conducted numerous scouts in an attempt to gain intelligence of enemy movements. Some of these took him well into the rear of the enemy's lines, which with all the roving bands of Americans in the surrounding woods, must have proved a very hazardous duty.⁹⁹

By October 6th, with no diversion in sight, the problems of dwindling provisions, the advanced season, and a generally decaying tactical situation prompted Burgoyne to risk another attempt at probing his way to Albany. On October 7th, he sent out a force of some fifteen hundred men which he personally conducted toward the American left. From Burgoyne's own words we learn what duty Captain Fraser and his men were assigned on this day:

Captain Fraser's movements were a key element in Burgoyne's plan. He was expected to distract and confuse the American Forces enough to allow Burgoyne's force to either penetrate the American line by surprise or to gain a high ground from which his cannon could rake their position. ¹⁰² From one account, we know that Captain Fraser's Marksmen mustered two subaltern officers and fifty men on this date.¹⁰³ After the losses sustained on September 19th, more men must have been drafted from the British regiments to replace the vacancies, bringing the Company back to its prior strength.¹⁰⁴

Burgoyne's men moved according to orders, but were suddenly surprised by an unexpected American counter-attack aimed at the left of the moving line. The British unsuccessfully attempted to check this attack and in the face of overwhelming numbers were forced to retreat with great loss. Another stand was made by the British at and around two fortified positions - the Breymann and Balcarres Redoubt, built around the position at Freeman's Farm, managed to hold its own, serving in turn as a rallying point for all retreating elements. American Forces were unable to break this position before night-fall at which time all attacks were called off.

Very early during the morning of October 8th under cover of darkness, the entire British Army changed its position and moved to the more defensible heights near the Hudson River. Here they prepared to receive an expected American attack that never materialized despite threatening movements. While waiting for events to develop, the British prepared to decamp and begin a rather long retreat. Before marching north, however, one solemn duty had to be fulfilled by Lieutenant-General Burgoyne. During the battle of October 7th, Brigadier-General Simon Fraser had been mortally wounded and died later that same day. Before expiring Fraser had requested that he be buried on one of the fortified hills along the Hudson River. At 6 p.m. October 8th, Burgoyne had Fraser's wish carried out.¹⁰⁵ A famous highly-romanticized engraving exists that depicts the burial of General Fraser.¹⁰⁶ In it are depicted a number of military dignitaries with Burgoyne's Army. One of these personages is Captain Alexander Fraser, who is found kneeling beside the body of his deceased uncle. Whether or not Captain Fraser actually attended the funeral must remain open to question as there is no documentary evidence to support either possibility. At 11 p.m. Burgoyne ordered his army to start moving north. A heavy rainfall began which continued through October 9th. Late on the 9th, part of the army reached Saratoga¹⁰⁷ and manned the entrenchments previously made during the British advance in September. The next day Burgoyne drew all his force into the Saratoga position and decided to dig in temporarily and issue his tired men the remaining provisions before continuing the retreat. While Burgoyne halted at Saratoga on October 10th, American General Gates mobilized his army and sent it north in pursuit.

Captain Fraser and his Marksmen, accompanied by the remaining Indians and Provincials, were in the forefront of the British move to Saratoga. Just after dark on October 9th, Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholas Sutherland with the 47th Regiment of Foot, Captain Fraser and the Marksmen, Captain Samuel Mackay and his Provincials, and some artificers were dispatched ahead of the retreating British column with orders to repair the bridges along the west bank of the Hudson River north of Saratoga. By October 10th, this small force had marched to within 3 miles of Fort Edward on the west bank when a messenger arrived with orders for the 47th Regiment and Fraser's Marksmen to return to Saratoga at once.¹⁰⁸ Burgoyne expected a general American attack on the 11th and needed every man available to meet it. With the American Army fast approaching his position, Burgoyne decided not to risk a retreat in the face of overwhelming odds. By October 12th he was nearly surrounded and by the 13th the situation grew critical, prompting Burgoyne to treat for terms with General Gates. As result, a Cessation of Arms was agreed to between October 14th through the 16th. Final terms of surrender were signed on the 16th and the British marched into captivity on the 17th. Through the period October 11th - 16th, Captain Fraser and his men may have gone out on limited scouting expeditions, but if they did, there is no remaining record of any.

On the morning of the surrender ceremonies, all special units were broken up.¹⁰⁹ This included the Grenadier and Light Battalions and Captain Fraser's Marksmen. Those Grenadier and Light Infantry Companies whose parent regiments were present with the army rejoined their respective regimental organizations. This same arrangement applied to the individual officers and men of the Marksmen, thus marking the end of their outstanding service during two campaigns. These men, like the others, marched off into captivity.

Captain Alexander Fraser was more fortunate. Burgoyne chose this courageous officer to carry a copy of the "Articles of Convention" to Fort Ticonderoga, which was still in British hands. Captain Fraser carried out this duty, arriving at the Fort on October 20th. ¹¹⁰ He reported to the commandant, Brigadier-General Henry Watson Powell, who called an immediate council of his officers to lay before them the strategic situation as presented by Captain Fraser.

As reports continued to reach Brigadier-General Powell from the south of Burgoyne's disaster, he grew more wary of what he considered to be an isolated position. It was not known if the American forces under Gates or some part of them would advance on Ticonderoga. The fortifications were thoroughly destroyed before the evacuation was completed so as to be of no use to possible American occupation units. It is not certain where Captain Fraser was during the evacuation preparations. He may have been present or may have reported to Carleton at headquarters in Quebec immediately after his arrival at Ticonderoga on October 20th.

1. Horatio Rogers, ed., A Journal Kept In Canada And Upon Burgoyne's Campaign In 1776 And 1777 By Lieut. James M. Hadden, Albany, 1884 (Freeport, 1970), p. 473

2. J.R. Harper, 78th Fighting Frasers In Canada, A Short History Of The Old 78th Regiment or Fraser's Highlanders 1757 - 1763, City of Laval, 1966, pp. 88-89.

4. Howard H. Peckham, Pontiac and the Indian Uprisings, New York, 1975, p. 270

5. Milton W. Hamilton, The Papers Of Sir William Johnson, 14 Vols., Albany, 1921-1967, 11: 341-342.

8. British Superintendent of the Northern department of Indian Affairs in North America 1755-1774. More information.

9. Clarence E. Carter, ed., The Correspondence Of General Thomas Gage 1763 - 1775, 2 Vols., New Haven, 1931 (New York 1969), 1: 49: Clarence E. Carter, Great Britain And The Illinois Country 1763 - 1774, 1910(Port Washingon, 1970), pp. 38-39; Francis Parkman, The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War after the Conquest of Canada, 2 Vols., Boston, 1905, 2: 291-293.

10. General Gage recommissioned Alexander Fraser as a Lieutenant with full pay. See John E. Alden, General Gage in America, Baton Rouge, 1948, p. 101; Fraser was probably in New York at this time as Gage stated in a letter to Lord Halifax dated January 23rd 1765 that ".....Lieutenant Fraser of the late 78th Regiment offered himself for this service....." Carter, Correspondence General Gage, 1: 49; Carter, Great Britain, pp. 39-39.

12. Dale Van Every, Forth to the Wilderness 1754-1774, New York, 1961, p. 229; Carter, Great Britain pp. 38-29; Carter Correspondence General Gage, 1: 63; Hamilton, Papers Sir William Johnson, 11: 647.

13. Carter, Great Britain, p. 40: Carter Correspondence General Gage, 1: 63; Hamilton, Papers Sir William Johnson, 11: 647.

14. Francis Maisonville was the famous Detroit family bearing this last name. Francis was a skilled woodsman who early offered his services to the British despite his French background. He was later a member of the British garrison that surrendered at Vincennes to American Forces under George Rogers Clark in 1778. He committed suicide while a prisoner.

15. Van Every, Wilderness, p. 232: Hamilton Papers Sir William Johnson, 11: 795.

18. Located in Randolph County in southwest Illinois near junction of the Kaskaskia River.

19. Hamilton, Papers Sir William Johnson, 11: 882-883; Peckham, Pontiac, p. 277 states that Fraser returned to the Illinois Coutry in 1766; Within the Gage Papers at the William L. Clements Library at Ann Arbor, Michigan can be found the "Narrative of a trip from Fort Pitt to Fort de Chartres" by Lieutenant Alexander Fraser; See also Indiana Historical Society Publications Volume 2, Indianapolis, (1895), pp. 408 - 417 "Report of Lieutenant Fraser" of a trip to Illinois Coutry dated Pensacola (Florida) 4th May 1766.

22. Carter, Correspondence General Gage, 2: 383-384 for text of letter from Gage to Barrington concering Fraser.

24 Clarence W. Alvord and Clarence E. Carter, ed., The Critical Period 1763-1765, Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library Volume 10, Springfield, 1915, p. 491. See Public Archives Canada, Haldimand Papers Transcripts MG21, B68, pp. 157, 331,376,389,414 for letters from Fraser to Haldimand March 1767-Aug 4, 1768.

25. Richard Cannon, Historical Record of the Ninth, or the East Norfolk, Regiment of Foot, London, 1848, p. 27.

26. Canada was at this time besieged by invading American Forces which had captured Montreal and had nearly taken Quebec.

27. James Baxter, ed., The British Invasion From The North, Digby's Journal of the Campaigns of Generals Carleton and Burgoyne from Canada, 1776 - 1777, Albany, 1887 (New York, 1970), pp. 122-123.

29. George F. G. Stanley, ed., For Want Of A Horse, Sackville, 1961. This is a printed journal of an unidentified British officer of the Light Infantry Company of the 47th Regiment of Foot, who served in the Campaigns of 1776 and 1777 under Generals Carleton and Burgoyne. It is perhaps the most detailed record of the two Campaigns. It contains numerous references to Alexander Fraser, which are not found elsewhere. See pp. 77-81 for record of Fraser's scouting expedition, subsequent skirmish and return July 23rd - 26th, 1776; See also Baxter, British Invasion, pp. 122-125 for corroborative entry and additional details.

30. Baxter, British Invaision, pp. 122-124 for biographical details of this officer.

31. Brigadier-General Simon Fraser, Alexander's uncle, led the Advanced Corps of the British Regiments then stationed in Canada (8th King's Regiment excepted) plus his own 24th regiment of Foot and various Provincial volunteers, Canadians, and Indians as were attached to the Army. Alexander was at this period Captain-Leutenant in the Grenadier Company fo the 9th Regiment on detached duty.

32. Stanley, For Want Of A Horse, pp. 80-81 for full text of Brigade Order July 27th 1776. As a reward Fraser, Scott the sergeant, corporal and 12 volunteers from the Light Infantry each received one dollar by order of the Brigadier-General.

33. A strategic point on route from New York to Canada. Located on the western shore of Lake Champlain about 10 miles north of Ticonderoga, New York. Site of several forts built between 1731-1759.

35. Rogers, Journal Burgoyne's Campaign, pp. 262 265-266; Douglas Brymner, ed., Report On Canadian Archives 1886 Ottawa, 1887,p. 623. Fraser was appointed by Lieutenant-general Burgoyne in General Orders dated August 23rd, 1776 from headquarters in Chambly; Douglas Brymner, ed., Report On Canadian Archives 1885, Ottawa, 1886. p.243 for calendar of letters to Lieutenant Fraser while serving in the capacity of judge Advocate.

36. C.T. Atkinson, "Some Evidence For Burgoyne's Expedition," Journal Of The Society For Army Historical Research Volume26, (1948), London, pp. 134-135.

37. Rogers. Journal Burgoyne's Campaign, pp. 474-475. As pointed out in the "General Order" all commissioned officers for the Company of Marksmen were to be selected from Brigadier-General Fraser's Corps only. The non-commissioned officers and privates were to be selected from the Battalion Companies which composed the main army. See also Public Archives Canada, Haldimand Papers Transcripts MG21, B83, p. 40 for Carleton's Order September 6, 1777.

38. The ten British Line Regiments then in Canada were the 9th, 20th, 21st, 24th, 29th, 31st, 34th, 47th, 53rd, and 62nd. The 8th King's Regiment was also present, but excluded from Brigadier-General Fraser's "Memorandum" as all of its companies were then stationed hundreds of miles to the west at various frontier posts. Each British Regiment was composed of ten companies - two flank (Grenadier and Light infantry) and eight Battalion. It is not known if the Company of Marksmen ever realized its full complement of 100 men plus officers during the Campaign of 1776.

40. Ibid. p. 137 Letter dated September 10th, 1776 Phillips to Fraser. The 150 Indians were grouped as follows: 56 Iroquois, 24 Ottawas, 70 Abanakis.'

41. Was a Lieutenant in the Light Infantry Company 9th Regiment of Foot. Alexander Fraser was undoubtedly a long-standing acquaintance of his as they both served in the 9th Regiment while it had been in Florida, Ireland and then in Canada. Lieutenant Wright was killed on October 7th, 1777 during the Battle of Bemis Heights (Second Saratoga).

42. Located 9 miles south from Point au Fer on the western side of Lake Champlain. A small setttlement was there in 1776. See also Stanley, For Want Of A Horse, p.88.

43. An island in Lake Champlain 5 miles south of modern-day Plattsburgh, New York. An American fleet under command of General Benedict Arnold attempted to challenge the British invasion when on October 11th it nearly ambushed the British fleet off Valcour Island. The Americans were defeated and by October 13th the British had destroyed most of the retreating American warships. This victory gave the British undisputed control of the Lakes Champlain and George for the remainder of the Rebellion. On October 11th, Captain Fraser and his Marksmen were part of a detachment which was stationed on the west bank of Lake Champlain just across from Valcour Island while the naval action was in progress. During the battle they kept up a fire of small arms that proved to be most harassing to the American fleet. For an excellent account of the Battle of Valcour Island see Christopher Ward, The War of the Revolution, 2 Vols., New York 1952, 1: 384 - 397.

44. William L. Stone, ed., Memoirs And Letters And Journals Of Major General Riedesel, 2 Vols., Albany, 1868, 1: 68-69, 79.

45. An island situated at the northern extremity of Lake Champlain and commanding the entrance to the Richelieu River.

46. W.C. Ford, comp., British Officers Serving in the American Revolution 1774-1783, Brooklyn, 1897 p. 73.

47. Brymner, Report Canadian Archives, 1885, pp. 250-258 contains a calendar of documents pertaining to the Burgoyne Campaign. A number of these concern Captain Fraser and his routine duties as acting Superintendent of Indians in Canada over the period November 20th, 1776 through May 17th, 1777.

48. For futher study to the Campaign of 1777 see: John Elting. The Battles of Saratoga, Monmouth Beach, 1977: Rupert Furneaux, The Battle of Saratoga, New York 1961: Hoffman Nickerson, The Turning Point of the Revolution or Burgoyne in America. 2 Vols., Boston 1928.

49. Captain Fraser was serving as acting Superintendent of Indians in Canada during the absence of Major John Campbell who had been appointed to the post on July 3rd 1773. Campbell had been captured by the American army invading Canada and was exchanged and sent to New York City in late 1776. By June 30th 1777 Campbell was back in Canada and resumed his old post. Upon Campbell's return Fraser reverted to the postion of Deputy Superintendent of Indians. For further details concerning Campbell see Dictionary of Canadian Biography Volume IV, Toronto, 1979, pp. 129-131 for an excellent essay on his life by Douglas Leighton; Brymner, Report On Canadian Archives 1885. p. 260.

50. One recent author, Barbara Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, Syracuse. 1972. pp. 148-155, has been extremely critical of Captain Alexander Fraser and Major John Campbell's ability as leaders of Indians. She charges "....Neither possessed .....extensive intimacy with Indian affairs and neither spoke any Indian language. As a result, neither could effectively function in councils but were completely dependent upon French Canadian interpreters...." Graymont goes on to suggest that Burgoyne's Indian troubles were in part a result of the actions of two such unqualified men. A close examination of this author's work, however, will reveal the root of her views. For the above opinions, she has apparently relied heavily upon the papers of Daniel Claus who had been the former Superintendent of Canadian Indians, and John Burgoyne's State Of The Expedition From Canada. Claus had been displaced by the appointment of Major John Campbell, who was the personal choice of General Carleton. Claus was the brother-in-law of the Johnson brothers, Guy and John, who guided British Indian affairs in the Northern Department of North America. There existed much friction between General Carleton and the Johnsons. Claus was replaced as a result of this friction. Hence, one will find very slanted views in regard to Canadian affairs in the correspondence of Claus dating as far back as 1761. Not only does his correspondence bitterly attack the abilities of Carleton and his administration, but also Burgoyne, Campbell, and Fraser as well. In light of this, any historian should use Claus' papers with great caution. They are a valuable source of information but only when his personal prejudices and jealousy are realised. Having reviewed many of Claus' papers, I cannot concur with the opinions of Barbara Graymont. There is no basis to certain charges other than the prejudices presented by Claus. As to the charge that Captain Fraser could not speak any Indian tongues, I feel is certainly an unfounded one. By the testimony of Lieutenant Anburey, the charge is partially proved false. Captain Fraser would have indeed been a poor officer if, after his previous long association and experiences among the Indians, he could not speak or relate to those he was leading. However, I do not believe that this was the case. As to Major Campbell, his experience with Indians extended back as far as that of Captain Fraser's. he had formerly held the post of Superintendent of Canadian Indians for a short time under Governor Murray's reign in the early 1760's and also had a great deal of experience amidst the interior portions of North America. He was married to a daughter of the great French Indian leader Sant Luc de La Corne. The topic of the personal rivalry that existed between Claus and the Johnsons versus Carleton and Burgoyne and their appointees deserves a much closer scrutiny and unbiased interpretation than any author has yet produced. For some printed supportive documents see Hamilton, Papers of Sir William Johnson, 14 (Index), for listings by individual and topic of relevant letters by Claus, Carter. Correspondence of General Gage, 2 Volumes. See index in each volume for documents concerning the early careers and movements of Campbell and Fraser. The advanced scholar may wish to examine the Claus Document transcripts at the Public Archives of Canada in Ottawa or the group of transcripts held by the Montgomery County Department of History and Archives, Fonda, New York. -Lieutenant -General John Burgoyne also later attempted to lay the blame for his Indian problems partially upon the shoulders of Major Campbell and Captain Fraser. He charged that these two officers' ignorance and their probity of character were responsible for the inability to command and control the Indian allies. In Burgoyne's book, A State Of The Expedition From Canada, London 1780, there appears on pages 128 through 131 the General's explanation of the Indian problems that he encountered during the Campaign of 1777. One must, however, remember that this book was an apologia for his own failures. Burgoyne's explanations are largely biased and are calculated to place the blame for his failure upon the shoulders of others as well as various extraneous events. Burgoyne's narrative tells us that Campbell and Fraser were aided by French-Canadian interpreters as a result of their ignorance of the Indian tongues. He further states that these interpreters were jealous of one another because of the numerous petty grievances that helped sway the Indians away from the British cause. This may have been true to some extent. As to the charge that Campbell and Fraser were ignorant of the Indian languages, the charge cannot be totally justified. These two officers may not have been familiar with every dialect, but most certainly were at least familiar with some.

51. Thomas Anburey, Travels Through The Interior Parts Of America, 2 Vols., London 1798, 1: 214 - 219.

55. Richard Houghton, of the Light Infantry Company, 53rd Regiment of Foot serving as a subaltern in the Marksmen. He was destined to lead bands of Indians on many occasions throughout the remainder of the American Rebellion.

57. A river in western Vermont about 100 miles long flowing into Lake Champlain.

60. Ibid. p. 105; Benjamin F. Stevens, ed. Facsimilies Of Manuscripts In European Archives Relating To America 1773-1783, 25 Vols., London 1898, Document # 1571 pp. 4-5 Letter from Brigadier-General Simon Fraser to John Robinson July 13th 1777

61. A provincial unit known as The King's Loyal Americans led by Captain Ebenezer Jessup.

62. Anburey, Travels America, 1: 318; Stone, Memoirs Riedesel, 1: 110-112; S. Sydney Bradford. ed., "Lord Francis Napier's Journal of the Burgoyne Campaign." Mayland Historical Magazine Volume 57, Baltimore (#4 Dec. 1962)p. 298. Napier states that the casualties suffered by Captain Fraser's pursuit party were as follows: Lieutenant Houghton, 2 privates of the Marksmen (both from the 62nd Regiment), 1 private of Jessup's unit and 3 Indians wounded. In addition 1 Indian was killed and a1 private of the Marksmen (from the 47th Regiment) taken prisoner; Stevens, Facsimilies Of manuscripts. Document # 1571 pp. 7-8 Letter from Brigadier General Simon Fraser to John Robinson July 13th 1777 for confirmation of Captain Fraser's movements and casualties on July 2nd; For an American notation of action see William B. Weeden, ed., "Diary of Enos Hitchcock," in Rhode Island Historical Society Publications Volume 7. (Providence (1899), p. 116

63. There was a weak palisaded fortification located here. It was located within the boundaries of present-day Fort Anne, New York.

64. Stanley, For want Of A Horse, p. 122; Fraser's Company mustered sixty men on July 24th. 1777 This figure is probably exclusive of commissioned officers serving with the unit. See "A Return of the Effective Victualled at Skenesborough by Mr Nath. Collyer 24 July 1777. A copy of this document can be found in the transcripts of the Phillip Skene Papers collected by Mr. Hall Park McCulloch now housed at the Bennington Museum, Bennigton, Vermont.

67. Located on the west bank of the Hudson River about 8 miles below Fort Edward. A fort had been located on the site during the French and Indian War.

68. Stanley. For Want Of A Horse, pp. 124-125; Weeden, "Diary Hictchcock," p. 124; David E. Alexander. ed, Diary of Captain Benjamin Warren," Journal Of American History Volume 3 (1909).p. Warren was a soldier in the 7th Massachusetts Regiment of the Continental Line.

70.Ibid. p. 126; Alexander, "Diary Warren," p. 206 states that the American detachment involved was commanded by Lieutenant Hugh Gray of the 10th Massachusetts Regiment of the Continental Line, who was mortally wounded in the skirmish.

72. John Burgoyne, A State Of The Expedition From Canada, London, 1780 p. 19 "Narrative."

74. Roger Lamb, An Original And Authentic Journal of Occurrences During The Late American War, Dublin, 1809, p. 151 Richard Pope, Richard Pope's Book, 1775-1777, an unpublished 18th Century manuscript owned by The Henry E. Huntington Library And Art Gallery San Marino, California. Richard Pope may have been a Captain in the Grenadier Company of the 47th Regiment of Foot.

76. William Johnson was an ensign in the 29th Regiment of Foot, Baron Alexander Sallans was commissioned an ensign in the 9th Regiment of Foot. September 2nd, 1776 By an order of August 13th 1777 he was assigned to service in Captain Fraser's Marksmen, and three days later, while in performance of his duty, was wounded at the Battle of Bennington. He became a captain in the 85th Regiment of Foot, which was assigned to duty in Jamaica. In 1783 his name disappears from the army lists.

77. James Grant was a coronet in the British 16th Light Dragoon Regiment. He was a volunteer in Burgoyne's Army.

78. Stanley, For Want Of A Horse, pp. 132-133; Weeden, "Diary Hitchcock." p. 130 for breakdown of British losses at Bennignton: John Spargo. The Bennington Battle Monument, Rutland, 1925, pp. 27-87.

85. Of the 24th Regiment of Foot. Scott had served in the Company of Marksmen in 1776. See also Baxter, British Invasion, pp. 122-124 for biographical details.

87. Burgoyne was also prompted to reform the Company with news having arrived that recruits for the regiments in his army were shortly to arrive in camp from Canada. The arrival of these recruits would allow him to release other more experienced men for special duties.

88. The Line Regiments with Burgoyne were the 9th, 20th, 21st, 24th, 47th, and 62nd.

89. This order is printed in the following works: E.B. O'Callaghan, ed, Orderly Book Of Lieut. Gen. John Burgoyne, Albany, 1860, p. 91; Stanley, For Want of a Horse, p. 140 Rogers, Journal Burgoyne's Campaign, p. 140; Frank C. Deering, Orderly Book Burgoyne's Campaign of 1777 Ticonderoga to Saratoga 47th Regiment of British Foot, Saco 1832, p. 49. This last item is a typescript copy by Mr. Deering of an original manuscript orderly book now housed at the Fort Ticonderoga Museum Library, Ticonderoga, New York. The typescript copy from which all quotes used in this essay have been taken can be found in the William H. Hill Collection housed at Adirondack Community College Library, Glen Falls New York.

92. Ibid p. 62; This was Lieutenant Andrew Skene of the 43rd Regiment of Foot and son of Burgoyne's American Loyalist advisor, Philip Skene. For further details see Doris Begor Morton, Philip Skene of Skenesborough, Grenville, 1959, pp. 70-71; Frod British Officers, p. 162, Stevens, Facsimilies of manuscripts, Document #1693 Letter from Colonel Philip Skene to the Earl of Dartmouth September 23rd, 1777 for confirmation concering the service of Lieutenant Skene with Captain Fraser's Marksmen.

93. Stanley, For Want Of A Horse, p. 143; Bradford, "Napier's Journal" pp.314-315; Alexander, "Diary Warren,"p.211

95. Located near the present-day intersection of Wilbur Road and U.S. Route 4 Saratoga County, New York.

96. The Light Infantry Battalion was on this instance under the command of Major John Campbell, Superintendent of the Indians. One can only surmise that with most of the Indians gone he must have assumed new duties during this phase of the Campaign. Stanley, For Want Of A Horse. p. 145.

98. Ibid pp. 153-154 gives a "Return of the Killed and Wounded of Captn. Fraser's Rangers in the Action at Freeman's Farm -19th Septr. 1777" - Wounded: 14 Rank and File: Killed: Lieutenant John Don of the 21st Regiment of Foot, Grenadier Company, and 1 Sergeant and 4 Rank and File. This is a total of twenty officers and men killed and wounded. As the Marksmen only numbered some fifty or sixty officers and men just prior to September 19th, the casualties suffered here are high in proportion. See also: Anburey. Travels America, 1: 414 for an account of the initial skirmishing preceding the Battle of Freeman's Farm on September 19th, 1777. Anburey witnessed Lieutenant Don of the Marksmen receive a musket-ball through his heart. In his words "....I am sure it will never be erased from my memory, for when he was wounded, he sprung from the ground, nearly as high as a man."

99. Several of these scouts are recorded. Stanley, For Want Of A Horse, p. 151 for the makeup of one led by Captain Fraser on September 24th, but which was cancelled because of trouble with some Indians. Also p. 155 for entry dated September 29th "Captn. Fraser went out on a Scout, some distance in the Rear of the Enemy's Camp." See p. 156 for entry October 1st "Captain Fraser went out on Scout 7 o'clock at night. Early next Morning he saw a Body of Rebels burning a Mill belonging to a Mr. Jones, his guide, who crossed the Creek, to inform himself more particularly of what they were about, unfortunately fell into the Hands of the Enemy. No shot was fired on either side." For confirmation of this last scout see Pope, Pope's Book, p. 104 for entry October 1st "A Scout went out under the Command of Capt. Fraser of the 34th Regt. we returned to the Second after having lost our best guides....." and Bradford, "Napier's Journal," p.l 319 for entries October 1st-2nd "A Scout went out under the Command of Captn. Fraser 34th Regt.....Captn. Frasers Scout returned after having lost two of their Guides."

101. K.G. Davies, ed., Documents Of The American Revolution 1770-1783 (Colonial Office Series) Volume 14 Transcripts 1777, 23 Vols., Dublin. 1976, p. 232 Letter Burgoyne to Lord George Germain dated October 20th. 1777, Albany. New York describing the events of the Campaign (C.O. 42137 fo.286)

102. Charles E. Shedd. Burgoyne's Objective in the Second Battle of Saratoga, October 7, 1777, Stillwater, 1952. An unpublished report in the files of Saratoga National Park, Stillwater New York.

103. Joshua Pell, "Diary Of Joshua Pell, Junior 1776-1777," Magazine of American History Volume 2 (Jan-Feb. 1878), p. 110.

104. Deering, Orderly Book, p. 87. On October 5th 1777 an order was issued requesting the Paymasters of the 9th, 20th, 21st, 24th, 47th, and 62nd Regiments of Foot to account for the number of shoes issued to companies, detached from their respective Regiments serving in the Grenadier and Light Infantry Battalions and for individual men detached from the six Regiments serving in Captain Fraser's Marksmen.

105. Marvin L. Brown, Jr., trans., Baroness von Riedesel and the American Revolution, Journal And Correspondence Of A Tour Of Duty 1776-1783. Chapel Hill, 1965, pp. 51-53; John F Luzader, Documentary Study Of The Death And Burial Of General Simon Fraser, Stillwater, 1958

106. The engraving by W. Nutter is of an original painting by John Graham entitled "Burial of General Fraser." It was published May 1st, 1794 by John Jeffereys in London.

108. Stanley, For Want Of A Horse, p. 164; Hans Mayer, trans., Ensign Schueler Von Senden Diary, p. 68 unpublished manuscript diary housed at Morristown National Historical Park, Morristown, New Jersey. A typed and translated copy was used for this study.

110. Davies, Documents American Revolution, 14: 253 Letter from Brigadier-General Powell to Lord George Germain dated November 8th from Mount Independence (C.O. 42/38, fo. 153)

The following references were also consulted during the preparation of this essay: Anderson's Accounts of the Family Fraser, Edinburgh, 1825; A. Mackenzie, A History of the Frasers of Lovat, Inverness, 1896; W.S. Wallace, ed., "Some Notes On Fraser's Highlanders," Canadan Historical Review Volume 18 (1937), pp. 131-140;D. Warrand, Some Fraser Pedigrees, Inverness, 1934.

This HTML document is an electronic manuscript taken from The Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research Volume Sixty-Three -1985, and is not intended to be an original work in any respect. All credit and authorship trust is by rights due to Stephen G. Strach and The Journal for the Society for Army Historical Research.